Old things (past) should be considered past

Chapter I

© Gerardo C.C. Oberman


1. Introduction

The Kingdom of the Low Countries has been a Constitutional Monarchy since 1815, but it has in the baggage of its rich history the experience of having been a Republic and of having drunk the bitter draft of foreign domination in the time of Napoleon.

From the beginning of the monarchic period we can speak of a country that is stable politically but socially in constant movement. Thus, already early in the 19th century, frustrations sometimes of a religious character, but mostly economic, compelled thousands of Dutch to lift their eyes from the soil, and to dream about new possibilities in other lands. Sometimes it sufficed to cross the frontier of a bordering country (Germany owes much of its greatness to the working hands of the Dutch32), other times it was necessary to undertake a longer voyage and in an insane adventure to cross the ocean, having high hopes of new possibilities in the New World. Faith played an important role in these migratory processes. Some felt called like Abraham to inhabit a new land, others felt like the Hebrews in exile and always had the secret hope of returning to their country. The majority, however, believed they were departing toward the promised land. The voyage by sea was the opened waters of the Jordan that proclaimed prosperity, well-being, a land where milk and honey flowed. For these last it was hard to find that the promised land still had to be built and that this would cost them blood, sweat and tears. Like the people of Israel, they also had to cross a desert...

2. Political situation

The year 1879 was not a good one for the history of Holland. Crisis is the word that summarizes it all. The cabinet was staggering, the situation in the agricultural sector was becoming untenable and social instability was threatening to turn into a revolution if certain steps were not taken quickly. The most striking aspect of this period was the discrepancy between the manifest desires and needs of the neediest groups of the society, who existed both in the cities and in the countryside, and the impotence to offer solutions because of disability or lack of will on the part of those in power. The parliamentary system was going through one of its weakest moments and was unable to evolve in step with the requirements of a society in dizzy development33.

Perhaps they thought it ridiculous to change the obsolete suit of conservatism for the new gown of modernity that the people were demanding that they wear. But street agitations and threats of revolution were growing. It was no longer possible to ignore the clamor of the groups that were organizing to combat the "establishment" put in place by the liberals. The press also joined the opposition criticizing the immobility of both Chambers.

The discussion in connection with the approval of a revision of the Constitution lasted a decade. This long and complex discussion provoked more than one fall of the cabinet and divided the waters among the liberals. Some supported constitutional reform and others considered that that was not the timely moment to discuss the topic. This helped to weaken their position and made it possible finally for the reform to take place in 1887. Furthermore, after the cabinet led by Kappeyne van de Copello (1877-1879), the liberals failed in all their attempts to form a new liberal cabinet34. Transition cabinets--Heemskerk 2 (1874-1877), Van Lynden van Sandenburg (1879-1883), Heemskerk 3 (1883-1888) and Mackay, one of the antis (1888-1891), had to face up to the crisis and take charge of putting the country back on track. It wasn't until 1891 that the liberals were able to form a new cabinet under the leadership of Tak van Poortvliet (1891-1894). But one must add here that Tak van Poortvliet belonged to the renewing line of the Liberal Union. Conservative liberalism, despite the subsequent ministerial corps formed by "anti-takeanos" led by Van Houten-Roell (1894-1897), and despite the lack of support from Emma, the regent since the death of Willem III in November of 1890, the progressive liberals were for the moment defeated and had to make way for new ideas35.

Universal suffrage, demanded by the great majority of the citizenry, was not included in the reform of 1887 but was postponed until a subsequent reform. This time it was only a question of broadening the right to vote. But in fact, the limitation of the right to vote maintained the gap between the state and the evolutionary and dynamic society.

Nevertheless, this reform meant for some authors a most important step in the development of Dutch policy and also a rapprochement of the politicians to the people. C.A. Tamse even asserts that "the gap between political life and social life was reduced, to the point that state and society began to move toward the longed for unity"36. The question is if this movement could not have been more accelerated.

In 1901, after the period under the leadership of Pierson (1897-1901), Dr. Abraham Kuyper acceded to the post of presiding minister, thanks to a reform of the regulation of the ministerial council that permitted him, effectively and with all that that meant, to be the one who directed the orchestra. This was the culmination of a political career that had begun in the decade of the '70s. In 1871 Kuyper is nominated one of the three candidates for the "Second Chamber" representing the "anti-revolutionary faction"37. We will occupy ourselves with A. Kuyper and his political and ecclesiastic influence below. Let us say only that Kuyper, as opposed to his predecessor Groen van Prinsterer, considered the social issue as the problem of his time and that he devoted much of his time, his energies and his prolific pen to that question38.

It would not be very honest to claim in these lines to have given a more or less clear image of the political evolution in Holland between 1875 and 1900. Moreover, it seems to us that the previous sketch can only be understood in light of other social, economic, and church considerations39. These three aspects of life constitute, together with the political aspect, the legs of the table of Dutch life together. The table at which everyone must eat: haves and have-nots, country folk and city people, politicians and workers, liberals and Confessionalists--in a word, the table of our daily bread.

3. Social situation

But let's return to 1879. We said that, in addition to the fact that at that point a period of political crisis began, an explosion of social conscience was beginning to appear which first took shape in the large cities but then strengthened as it took on a new impulse in the impoverished towns of the interior of the country, mainly in the north40. There the liberal politicians were hated and even monarchic authority was questioned by certain radical groups41. It is not surprising then that men like Domela Nieuwenhuis may have had so much success with their socialistic ideas. With him Friesland carried, in 1888, the first socialistic element to one of the Chambers. Socialistic-oriented movements had the unconditional support of the impoverished people of Friesland in the north.

It is in this period that the first organized worker groups emerge that begin to fight, with some success, for their legitimate rights42. Maybe we could mention here the Broedertrouw (Fraternity), a group that meant much for the subsequent development of social and community thought in Holland. In his Geschiedenis van Het Bildt, H. Sannes paints a very complete panorama of the social situation of the workers of the northern area of Friesland in the last quarter of the 19th century43. The stomach does not think, it needs food. When there is hunger then one must not make speeches, political or ecclesiastical, but face the problem with concrete help. This is what the socialists did. From one of the stories of that period to which we have had access we take the following phrases: "Even so help arrived. With bitterness and sadness I have to make it clear that it wasn't the churches that took the initiative, but rather the socialists. Under the orders of their leader, Domela Nieuwenhuis, they collected money for their neighbors in need. "The Pagans," that's what the church people called them, did not abide by God or by his commandments. But, weren't they putting into practice the commandment of love for one's neighbor? In each town or village there was someone--a socialist, of course--who was distributing food to those who were suffering hunger. This orientation was, of course, taboo for the church people. But, hunger is a sharp sword and thus the church also eluded, shielded by the darkness of night, even the known commandment..."44.

Through the government, on the contrary, not too much was done for these socially marginalized groups. The law that regulated child labor, introduced into the Second Chamber by S. van Houten, a leader of the liberal youth, and which went into effect on October 15, 1874, did not provide a real solution to this problem of the exploitation of minors45. The numerous studies carried out on the situation of workers in rural areas, of industry, etc.46, or the armenwetten (laws for the poor) of 1854 and 1870 that placed the responsibility for the care of the indigent on the state47, did not bring about any short-term change that would make it possible to deal with the crisis either. Unemployment, with the consequent hunger and generalized poverty, was on the rise. The situation in the rural areas wasn't improving either. Nevertheless, liberal politicians continued to shield themselves behind their erudite economists, who supported the doctrine of the free market, of equilibrium in the balance between supply and demand. But, the flourishing capitalism that developed as of mid century was heading now toward its own death. The opposition even within the same party, which was in the hands of the progressive liberals, did not hesitate to voice its criticism. This was no more than the reflection in the Chambers concerning the suffering of the people in the streets.

Since most of the Dutch immigrants in Argentina came from the northern province of Friesland we want to put special emphasis on the situation in that province toward end of the past century. We can say that similar situations also were being experienced in the neighboring provinces of Groningen and Drente and in Zeeland in the south, all provinces devoted to agriculture. Wildeboer calls Zeeland, Friesland, and Groningen "demographic expulsion territories"48.

4. Crisis in Friesland

To what factors should we attribute the crisis that the province begins to suffer as of 1879?49 There were several causes for the crisis that not only affected Holland but also the rest of western Europe. In the first place we should mention the frantic development of agricultural production in the United States of North America. In the world market the supply is greater than the demand and prices fall. And not only the United States of North America but also other new producers, like Canada, Argentina and India, began to export agricultural products, which brought about, toward the end of the '80s, a still greater drop mainly in the international price of grains. To this factor we must add that of climate. Europe went through a series of very colds50 and wet winters, that reduced production almost to nothing for several years (1877-1880)51. This fact might have caused in other circumstances an increase in the prices of agricultural products, but now because of the overabundance at a world level, the result was the opposite. When at the beginning of the '80s, once the bad winters were in the past, production improved, it was by then too late for the small farmers to be able to re-establish themselves in any way. Their losses had been too great and prices continued to go down52.

Countrywide, the fall in agricultural production between 1877 and 1891 was about 35%. From an average of 122 million guilders between 1873-1877 it fell to 79 million guilders in 1888, the worst year of the crisis53. That was precisely the year in which many, overwhelmed by the years of poverty and tempted by the free passages, began to make plans to emigrate to Argentina.

Work was still scarce and in most of the country, but mainly in the provinces, the number of people grew who depended on the help on the municipality of the deacons of the church54. H. Kingmans tells us of the case of the Zijlstra family that did not have enough even to pay the baker, who nevertheless brought them bread every day, touched by the situation of extreme poverty in which they were forced to live. Most of the members of the family were working. Even little Dirk had abandoned school to be added to those who would provide a few cents... But, it was still not enough. The word of God was the balm that gave them peace and hope even in the midst of their difficulties. Day after day they prayed that God might change their situation. And God heard their prayers and took pity when he saw their suffering. Someone gave them a pamphlet that spoke of great possibilities of progress in a distant country. On foot and with their best clothes they made their way to Dokkum, where there was to be an informational meeting. They were among the first to decide to emigrate55. This is only one example that confirms for us that many of those who emigrated to Argentine made that decision at the prodding of hunger and poverty.

Because "where there is yet no poverty, in the most common meaning of the word, there is regression. Good field workers, those who work in the rabble, office employees, become beggars; farmers, after a long struggle with misfortune; laborers, painters, shopkeepers, blacksmiths, millers, bakers, they all regress more and more. And where before the flourishing of the countryside produced the growth of the cities, now both are stagnating"56. The terrible paragraph that we have just cited, written by a contemporary, leaves no doubt as to the calamitous economic situation through which particularly the province of Friesland was passing towards the end of the past century.

In an attempt to offset this sad reality the state increased its subsidies of 15,770 guilders in 1891 to 206,900 in 1893. If we compare this sudden governmental "kindness" toward Friesland with the contributions to the other provinces for 1893--Drente, 26,850 guilders; Limburg, 4,750; Noord-Holland, 4,500; Groningen, 1,000; Zeeland, 825; Noord-Brabant, 400; Utrecht, Overijssel, Gelderland, Zuid-Holland, Nothing!-, we can wonder if it is not rather a protectionist reaction against the threat of a socialist revolution. For the year 1893 the highest subsidies within the province are granted to the municipalities of Ferwerderadeel (18,000 guilders), Oostdongeradeel (13,000) and Het Bildt (12,000); these are certainly the poorest areas but also the areas in which the seed of socialism was germinating with greater force57.

5. The participation of the churches

In contrast to what was happening in Argentina with the churches--Catholic churches as well as Protestant, which remained complacent in the face of the established order without demonstrating much interest at all in an effective political interference, in Holland the churches were sometimes the protagonists of political events58. The schoolkwestie (school issue), which together with the issue of suffrage dominated political debate during the third quarter of the 19th century, is a good example of this59. With equal intensity the liberals, the Catholics, and the conservatives (orthodox Protestants) participated in this debate. Alliances between traditionally antagonistic groups were also possible when it came to defending common interests. In that way, for example, Catholics and Gereformeerden joined forces in the elections of 1897 to prevent the liberals from gaining access to a parliamentary seat60.

A. Kuyper became at that time the one "who was sounding the bell for the littlest people", that is to say, the representative of the groups that if not quite in absolute poverty belonged to the lowest ranks of the social ladder61. His ideas were made public in the denominational newspaper that he himself had created and of which he was principal editor: De Standaard, whose first number appeared April 1, 187262. Early on he published there a series of articles that invited Christians to reflect on the social question, a question that he considered fundamental. Kuyper reached the most poverty-stricken areas of Friesland with his message at an opportune time. He espoused social reform, on the one hand, and on the other, to be able to make that transformation a reality, lent his support to Dutch emigration to the countries in need of manpower. He observes: "What other explanation can there be but human foolishness that in some small places of this terrestrial globe we live so heaped, suffocating in cellars and buildings intended for demolition, while regions in other parts of the world hundreds of times larger than our country, await the plough and the sickle"63.

In Friesland socialism had already taken root and the struggle for minimal rights had become radicalized. The need for men who would guide ideologically the limited patience of this people was at that moment absolutely vital. For that reason the socialists were successful, and for the same reason Kuyper and the dissident movement led by him also found support64. Socialism and Doleantie (a term derived from the Latin and which denotes the grief of the churches that separated from the mother church in 1886) had both the same possibilities. "Around 1890 it was possible that they themselves (A. Kuyper and D. Nieuwenhuis, G.O.) or their followers might organize on one and the same night partisan meetings in two neighboring towns in Friesland and that from one meeting there might emerge the initiative to create a subsidiary of the anti-revolutionary party (A.R.P.) and from the other the decision to create a subsidiary of the Socialistic Democratic Union (Soc. Demok. Bond)65. Even though Kuyper was against the socialistic movement and advised the creation of Christian worker associations, his preoccupation with the social question was not new66 and his goals at a social level coincided many times with those of the socialists. It is not strange then that those affected by the economic crisis, the poor field workers, should opt indiscriminately for one or the other group. The goals were the same; the starting points different. From Christianity much better than from other non-Christian doctrines, one can work for the rights of the less favored, as we are assured by "father Abraham," as he was called disparagingly by Troelstra67. The organization of the Nederlandsch Werkliedenverbond Patrimonium in 1877 is a practical example of what he proclaimed in theory68. But his proclamation did not preclude the idea that from other non-Christian sectors it was possible to do positive things.

In 1891 the "Friese Bond de Patrimonium" is organized, a group that is very active and committed to the cause of Frisian workers. In this Friese Bond the figure of Pastor L. H. Wagenaar stood out69. He was an ally of Kuyper in all areas as well as in that of the sociale kwestie (social question). In 1891 Wagenaar writes a letter to Kuyper about the situation in Het Bildt and he asks him to consider the possibility of personally approaching the desperate workers of the area who are victims of the power of organized capital70. But, even though he maintained good contacts with other groups, even Socialists, who were working in the area, we should not confuse his social preoccupation with the more radical ideas of Domela Nieuwenhuis, from whom Wagenaar in his work De Profundis, written in 1888, clearly distances himself71.

The Christelijk-sociaal Congres of November, 189172, which was the same year that the encyclical Rerum Novarum also is published as a reaction from the Catholic side to the advance of socialism in Europe, is without doubt an outcome of the intellectual work of a man like Kuyper. But it is no less certain that the agitations in the provinces, especially in Friesland, contributed something of their own. Those men and women were the ones who, moved by hunger, unemployment and poverty, compelled the political class to come down from their ivory tower to face the people and their needs. In another letter to Kuyper, Wagenaar warns: "This is certain: if the anti-revolutionary party does not manifest with firmness its support of our humble people, who are dying, then it will lose its influence in Friesland "73. It is only at this point, and not before, that we can assert that the gap between state and society starts to become smaller74. And also the rift between the churches and the people narrows. The kleine luyden (an expression that summarizes the idea of humble folk)75 take on a role in the Kuyperian movement that, finally, would lead to the Doleantie of 1886 and the Vereniging (Unification) of 189276, that is to say the constitution of the Gereformeerde Kerken in Nederland. Many (in Friesland) would set aside the first socialistic optimism to join again the ranks of the church that promised to be concerned about them. At the same time they provided the critical element and made themselves heard from the bases. That has always been one of the characteristic factors of the Reformed churches. In the words of H. Algra : "There we see with our own eyes the humble folk that build the free churches"77.

The figure and the ideas of A. Kuyper and his ideological companions dominate a large part of the political, social, and Dutch church history at the end of the 19th century and the beginning of the 20th century. They began to make possible what some years before seemed unattainable: the transformation of Dutch society78.

Idealistic men and women79, influenced by socialistic principles80 and by the development of new currents in the ecclesiastic world, were those who with luggage full of dreams decided to venture toward the conquest of a little dignity for their lives. Argentina...An unknown destiny in which they deposited their last hopes.

32 Cf. P.R.D. Stokvis, "Nederland en de internationale migratie", pp. 73-74. "After the turn of the century we find more Dutch in Germany than in the United States" (p. 73). H. de Vries, Landbouw en bevolking tijdens de agrarische depressie in Friesland (1878-1895), p. 184, holds -on the contrary- that it is not a question of an 'emigration' toward Germany.

33 Cf. C.A. Tamse, "De politieke ontwikkeling in Nederland 1874-1887". pp. 228-231.

34 The disappearance from the scene of Thorbecke, expired in 1872, constitutes a great loss for the liberals. He was their greatest ideological support.

35 On the contribution of the progressive liberals to the social conscience of the Dutch people see the article by Th. van Tijn, "Den werkman het gevoel van verlaten zijn ontnemen", pp. 181-201.

36 Op.cit., p. 244.

37 Cf. D. Th. Kuiper, De Voormannen. Een sociaal-wetenschappelijke studie over ideologie, konflikt en kerngroepvorming binnen de gereformeerde wereld in Nederland tussen 1820 en 1930. pp. 76f. The 'Anti-revolutionaire Partij' was probably recently created, thanks to the initiative of Kuyper, in 1879. That same year eleven 'anti-revolutionaries' were elected.

38 Cf. W.J. Wieringa, "Een samenleving in verandering", pp. 32-33.

The thinking of Kuyper himself was molded onto paper in his opening speech for the 'Christelyk-Sociaal Congres' of 1891: "Het sociaale vraagstuk en del christelijke religie".

39 "These realities can not be considered separately, since they influence each other in countless ways". W.J. Wieringa, op.cit., p. 11.

40 Cf. Th. van Tijn, op.cit., p. 207. He divides the social movements in the stage studied into two periods, to wit: 1876-1887, cities, and 1888-1895, interior, mainly Noord-Friesland and Oost-Gronlngen, precisely the areas from which many migrated to Argentina.

41 H. Sannes, Geschiedenis van Het Bildt, volume IIIB, p. 396, reports that in June of 1892, during a visit of the young queen Wilhelmina and her to Friesland many went out into the streets with posters which read, for example: "For you wealth, for us hunger" or "Open the urns, the people demand it", etc. This demonstration in Stiens compelled the royal retinue to discontinue their programmed visit to Het Bildt, returning to Leeuwarden.

42 The first antecedent dates from 1867, the year in which the typographers are grouped in the 'Algemene Nederlandse Typografenbond'. These worker associations begin among employees with some schooling but are extended quickly at all levels of the social scale. Cf. W.J. Wieringa, op.cit., pp. 18-19, and Wij zijn allen werklieden. De opkomst van de moderne arbeidsmoraal in Nederland in de negentiende eeuw, pp. 61f.

43 In particular for this period volumes IIIA and llIB.

44 Extracted from the statement titled: "Strijd om het bestaan", by A.Van der Heide, grandson of Age van der Heide, who in 1888 emigrated to Argentina.

45 H. Sannes, op.cit., volume lllB, p. 370; W.J. Wieringa, op.cit., p. 17.

46 H. Blink, H., Geschiedenis van den boerenstand en den landbouw in Nederland, volume 2, pp. 551-555, deals with the topic and mentions in footnotes several of these studies. Also H. de Vries, op. cit., mentions as sources of his work several 'documents' and 'investigations' carried out at that time.

47 Cf. Wij zijn allen werklieden. De opkomst van de moderne arbeidsmoraal in Nederland in de negentiende eeuw, pp. 78-85.

48 J. D. Wildeboer, Friesland verliest zijn kinderen, p. 8.

49 According to H. Blink, op.cit., volume II, pp. 311-319, the crisis began in 1877. This crisis reached its most critical points in 1889 and 1894.

50 "The islands resembled a polar landscape", writes H. Sannes, op.cit., volume IIIB, p. 390.  It was even possible to skate between the continent and Ameland or Terschelling and from Stavoren to Enkhuizen.

51 H. de Vries, op.cit., pp. 19-24. Also the winters of 1888 and 1890 were very hard. Cf. H. Sannes. op.cit., volume IIIB, p. 377.

52 For a detailed study of the evolution of the prices of the various products and, consequently, of the sectors most affected by the crisis we refer to the already cited work from Hille de Vries. Cf. also some of the diagrams at the end of this work.

53 Cf. Th. van Tijn, op.cit., p. 197.

54 Cf. on the 'armenzorg' (care for the poor) in Het Bildt: H. Sannes. op.cit., volume IIIA, pp. 216-237 (discussion on who is responsible), and volume IIIB. pp. 373-375.

55 "Schapen zonder herder?".

56 V. Bruinsma, "Hoe is Friesland te helpen?", p. 344.

57 The statistical data have been taken from the article cited by V. Bruinsma, who in turn took them from provincial reports from the years 1891-1893.

58 See next chapter.

59 Cf. C.A. Tamse, op.cit., pp. 234-237. Also H.C. Endedijk, De Gereformeerde Kerken in Nederland, volume 1 1892-1936, pp. 13-19.

60 Cf. G.J. Schutte, "Een samenleving in verandering en vernieuwing", pp. 22-32.

61 Cf. W.J. Wieringa, op.cit., pp. 32-33.

62 Ibid., p. 33.

63 Words pronounced in the opening speech of the Christelijk-Sociaal Congres, November 9, 1891. A speech later published in booklet form under the title: Het Sociale vraagstuk en de Christelijke Religie, cf. p. 38. For Kuyper: "emigration is the solution to the problem of the populational growth". J.D. Wildeboer, op.cit., p. 39.

64 It is interesting to note that in the sector which in Friesland had been converted into a social agitation epicentre, The Doleantie also has an immediate acceptance. Cf. H. Knippenberg. De religieuze kaart van Nederland. Omvang en geografische spreiding van de godsdienstige gezindten vanaf de Reformatie tot heden, pp. 94-98. Also W. Bakker, "De Doleantie in den lande. Uitbreiding en consolidatie", pp. 106-148.

65 J.J. Kalma, "De gereformeerden en het sociale vraagstuk rond 1890", pp. 26-27.

66 Cf. his work De Arbeidskwestie en de Kerk. Een woord over het sociale vraagstuk.

67 T. van der Wal, Op zoek naar een nieuwe vrijheid. Een kwart eeuw arbeidersbeweging in Friesland (1870-1895), p. 181.

68 It is sufficient to read the bylaws of this institution to verify its Christian orientation.

69 Cf. T. van der Wal, op.cit., pp. 176-181, 326-329 and 359-367.

70 AK4978. Letter from L.H. Wagenaar to A. Kuyper. Without place, without date. Probably from 1891. The letter can be consulted in the Historisch Documentatie Centrum of the Vrije Universiteit Amsterdam. Cf. Also G. Oberman, "L.H. Wagenaar".

71 L. H. Wagenaar, De Profundis, pp. 14-15.

72 On the prehistory of this Sociaal Congres and the influence in those times of Patrimonium see the article by G.J. Schutte, "Arbeid, die geen brood geeft; en de ziel verstikt in smook. Achtergrond en voorgeschiedenis van 1891", pp. 10-32.

73 AK4784. Letter from L.H. Wagenaar to the president of the Central Committee (A. Kuyper). Without date, without place. Probably from 1891.

74 Cf. above in this chapter.

75 D.Th. Kuiper, "De Doleantie en de Nederlandse samenleving", pp. 203-239 casts doubt on this characterization. We accept the classic theory supported -among others- by H. Algra, Het wonder van de negentiende eeuw, pp. 241-255. It seems to us that the term reflects accurately the groups that, poverty stricken by the crisis of the last quarter of the past century, from early on switched over to favor the ideas of Kuyper.

76 We cannot pause here to analyze the motives that brought about the 'Doleantie' nor the causes that later brought about the Union ('Vereeniging', in Dutch) of the Christelijke Gereformeerde Kerk (Afscheiding = Separation of 1834) and of the Nederduitsche Gereformeerde Kerk (Doleantie).

We refer for this to the following works:

1) De Afscheiding van 1834 en haar geschiedenis.

2) De Doleantie van 1886 en haar geschiedenis.

3) De Vereniging van 1892 en haar geschiedenis.

77 Op.cit., p. 250.

78 Cf. J. Vree, "Hoe de citadel ontstond. De consolidatie van de Vereniging 1892-1905", pp. 113-160.

79 J. D. Wildeboer, op.cit., pp. 34-35, describes the character of the people of Friesland: "freedom instinct", and "idealism".

80 For a more detailed study of the socialist movement in the north of Holland toward the end of the past century, a study that here we cannot develop since it goes beyond the objective of our work, we refer to the works of J. Frieswijk, Socialisme in Friesland 1880-1900, and C. Bruintjes, Socialisme in Groningen.

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